Another example are the Mi’Kmaq people, indigenous to the coastal regions of Eastern Canada, who depended on the sea for food, travel, and trade (10). This was such an important part of the lifestyle that it continues to be inextricably entwined with the belief systems, cultural myths and legends, language, and world-views of the Mi’kmaq peoples (11). Resource management decisions and regulations are based on principles of kindness, sharing, and a spiritual relationship with the natural world (10). Their management philosophy, called Netukulimk, dictates that one should ‘not take any more than necessary for survival in order to ensure that there are resources left for future use’ (11).

Non-indigenous fishers say that the harvesting of lobster outside of the commercial season is unsustainable and poses a risk to conservation, though evidence does not back this claim. The Mi’kmaq of Sipekne’katik are concerned about conservation themselves and they take less than 5% of the lobster in the area (13). In fact, according to the Department of Fisheries and Oceans (DFO), lobster stocks are healthy, and the province says that the landing of lobster has doubled in the last twenty years (14). Further, Sipekne’katik First Nation has seven licenses, only three of which are being used at the moment, with each license allowing for 50 traps– 150 traps total (14). For perspective, the commercial fishery in that zone allows for up to 390,000 traps (14). The conflict between Indigenous and non-Indigenous fishermen has resulted in Mi’kmaq harvesters experiencing harassment, violence, property damage, theft, and the cutting and stealing of moderate livelihood lobster traps by non-Indigenous fishermen and protestors over decades (14). This led the Sipekne’katik First Nation to launch their own Mi’Kmaq-regulated, rights based, moderate livelihood lobster fishery, where they continue to work on their own management plans that will regulate Mi’kmaw fish harvesters to ensure conservation through the granting of fishing licenses to band members and continuous monitoring (14). Sipekne’katik Chief Mike Sack states that, “We have our own guardians that will enforce our rules and regulations, so there’s no need for anyone to interfere at all” (13).

Generally, Indigenous peoples of the Northern Pacific Rim have harvested salmon for subsistence and livelihood for more than 10,000 years (16). Management practices promote sustained abundance and access to fish by limiting risks of overharvest and population collapse (16). Traditional fishing technologies include weirs– fences built across rivers to channel salmon into a trap, fish wheels– stationary wheels powered by the flow of the river which scoop fish, and fish traps– built next to the river mouth to catch fish while the tide is high (16). Much like the banning of SX̱OLE techniques, Indigenous management of Pacific salmon was intentionally disrupted and replaced by the colonial government, stripping the rights and jurisdiction from Indigenous people (16). This was the beginning of a struggle for access and governance authority that is ongoing today (16). Colonial governments and fishing companies sought to use resources in global markets; as such, the replacing methods led to the increased use of combustion engines, monofilament nets, and other fishing technologies for more ‘effective’ fishing (16). However, mixed stock fisheries, irreversible destruction of salmon habitats, and extreme harvesting pressure are some of the consequences that challenge the sustainability of colonial fishing management systems (16).

The historical abundance of salmon along the west coast of North America has drastically declined over the last two centuries of industrial harvest (17). However, for nearly two millennia prior to the industrial extraction of salmon, Indigenous peoples maintained active and balanced harvests of the species (17). The key difference between Indigenous and non-indigenous fishing practices is the methodology; contrary to popular belief, Indigenous fishing technologies are highly effective and allow fishers to harvest large quantities of fish (17). These technologies have been regulated by traditional structures of resource management that control harvest pressure (17). Whereas colonial societies emphasize the extraction of resources for short-term profit in a capitalistic society, Indigenous resource management is guided by key differences in cultural values and knowledge. It emphasizes multigenerational sustenance and reciprocity to protect the non-human world (16). Thus, the reintroduction of traditional fishing techniques is imperative for sustainable fisheries, particularly the traditional fishing gear that reduces ecological damage (17).

The foundation of effective and resilient resource management systems firstly addresses the health of ecosystems within legal and political institutions (16). In the same way that global economics shapes colonial political institutions, pre-colonial salmon fisheries have and continue to shape Indigenous institutions (16). Within these systems, the right to access land goes hand in hand with a set of responsibilities that protect future abundance and promote long-term stability (16). For example, some principles which guide the work of the Haíłzaqv Nation (residing in what is currently British Columbia) in modern management plans are (16):

“The right to use a river system comes with the responsibility to maintain a river system”(16)

“The primary focus should be on what is left behind, not what is taken”(16)